第一章　高卢人

Ⅰ

The best evidence concerning Gallic warriors in Italy – and their nakedness – comes from a terracotta frieze found at Civitalba in Marche that dates from almost a century after the battle on the Allia, and which matches a written description of Gallic warriors at the battle of Telamon, fought some seventy years later. A full account of what is known about Italy’s Celtic peoples and their struggles with Rome is offered by J. H. C. Williams in Beyond the Rubicon: Romans and Gauls in Republican Italy (2001). Williams strongly favours July 387 BC as the date for the battle on the Allia (which could theoretically have taken place in July 386 instead). I Celti in Italia by Maria Teresa Grassi (Milan 2009)describes finds discovered in Celtic Senone graves. Barry Cunliffe’s The Ancient Celts (1991)remains a classic on the subject and Peter Berresford Ellis, A Brief History of the Druids(2002) though more controversial, offers insights into early Celtic society. It is Ellis who points out that the name Brennus probably meant king. For the close connection between early Latin and Celtic languages see Nicholas Ostler, Empires of the Word: a Language History of the World (2006).

Ⅱ

T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c.1000–264 BC) (1995) provides an encyclopaedic account of Rome’s origins,topography, defences, society and politics, dealing clearly with the complex arguments that surround every issue, and many details in this chapter are drawn from Cornell’s account. Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, from Prehistory to the First Punic War(2006) offers a useful addition to Cornell’s work. Mary Beard, S.P.Q.R. A History of Ancient Rome (2015) adds fascinating further insights into Rome’s early years.

On Romans’ early beliefs see Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price, Religions of Rome, Volume I, a History (1998). The comparison between Olynthos and classical Italian cities is drawn from Andrew Wallace-Hadrill’s Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (1994). On Romans’ early diet see Fabio Parasecoli, Al Dente: A History of Food in Italy (2014). For Rome’s games and the procession from the Capitoline see Filippo Coarelli, Rome and Environs: An archaeological guide, trans. James L. Clauss and Daniel P. Harmon (2014) and H. H. Scullard, Festivals and ceremonies of the Roman Republic, (1981). For early Veii see H. H. Scullard’s The Etruscan cities and Rome (1967).

Ⅲ

The notion that later Romans wove misleading stories from misunderstood inscriptions on the temple of Juno Moneta is proposed by Gary Forsythe. J. H. C. Williams details evidence that the Romans paid off the Gauls and that all of the city, including the Capitoline, may have fallen to them. Williams also offers an intriguing parallel with the Greek city of Delphi, which was attacked a century after Rome, in 279 BC, by Gauls, also led by a king, Brennus, and about which stories of a heroic holdout also grew up, despite evidence that the Gauls were victorious and paid off. Williams suggests Livy’s stories may have been inspired by this Greek heroic invention.

第二章　哥特人

Ⅰ

On Himmler’s visit to Cosenza see Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (2013);Eugene Dollmann, Un Schiavo Libero (1968) and Eugene Dollman, Roma Nazista (2002).Dollmann was a keen storyteller and had every reason to distance himself from Himmler,who employed Dollmann as his personal Italian informant for some years, so his tale of the French diviner is questionable but there is no doubt that Himmler came to Cosenza that morning to see Alaric’s supposed grave. A year and a half later he pressured the Italian police chief, Bocchini, to send an expedition to Cosenza to search for it.

On the origins of the Goths, their struggles with the Roman Empire, the evolution of the Visigoths, Alaric’s progress to Rome and the likely composition of the horde that followed him, see Peter Heather, The Goths (1996); Goths and Romans 332–489 (1991) and also his magnificent portrait of this era, The Fall of the Roman Empire, A New History (2005). In the latter Heather suggests Stilicho made his seemingly strange decision to go to war with the Eastern Roman Empire because he could see trouble coming on the Rhine frontier and wanted to augment his troops by taking a key recruiting area in the Balkans that had passed to the Eastern Empire. On the need for Germanic leaders to keep their followers supplied with plunder see also E. A. Thompson, The Visigoths in the Time of Ulfila (1966).

On causes of the Empire’s late fourth-century crisis and the Western Empire’s eventual fall, Heather emphasizes the advances made by Germanic peoples as they became more numerous and their states larger and more sophisticated. An analysis focusing on Roman weaknesses can be found in Adrian Goldsworthy: How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower(2009). Goldsworthy emphasizes the role of the Empire’s constant civil wars and also notes some doubtful military innovations that appeared in the fourth century, notably the tendency to house troops away from the front line in cities, where they may have become distracted by comforts.

Ⅱ

On early fifth-century Rome’s topography the classic account remains Richard Krautheimer, Rome, Profile of a City, 312–1308 (1980). An excellent accompaniment that focuses more closely on archaeological discoveries can be found in Bryan Ward-Perkins, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, Urban Public Building in Northern and Central Italy, AD 300–850 (Oxford Historical Monographs) (1984). A detailed and more up to date study from an archaeological viewpoint is offered by Neil Christie, From Constantine to Charlemagne, an Archaeological History of Italy Ad 300–800 (2006).

On ordinary life in Rome during its imperial glory days the best single account is still Jér?me Carcopino’s Daily Life in Ancient Rome, the People and the City at the height of the Empire, trans. Henry T. Rowell (1975). More recent portraits of classical Rome at its height include Alberto Angela, A Day in the Life of Ancient Rome (2011). For all aspects of Rome in the fifth century, including its walls, its architecture, amenities, society, government and ornamental Republican political posts, see Bertrand Lan?on, Rome in Late Antiquity, Everyday Life and Urban Change, AD 312–609, trans. Antonia Newell (2000). On different marbles, see Amanda Claridge, Rome, an Oxford Archaeological Guide (1998). The itinerary of Rome’s amenities is from Lan?on.

For the domestic side of imperial government see Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, ‘The Imperial Court’ in The Cambridge Ancient History, X, The Augustine Empire, 43BC–69 AD(1996). For the House of Romulus see Claridge. For the demise of Roman theatre and the macabre ending of the Laureolus drama of the late first century AD, see Carcopino. For the frailties of the Colosseum, see David Karmon, The Ruin of the Eternal City: Antiquity and Preservation in Renaissance Rome (2011). For its entertainments see Alberto, who offers a vivid account of what took place in the arena. For Valentian I’s witch trials of senators (AD 369–371) see Lan?on. For new imperial architectural styles that used vaulted concrete see William L. MacDonald, The Architecture of the Roman Empire, Volume 1, an Introduction(1965). On the likelihood that something went badly wrong with the columns of the Pantheon’s portico, see Claridge. On how art and inscriptions grew cruder during the Third Century Crisis, and also on pagan beliefs and their demise, see Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean World, From the 2nd Century AD to the Conversion of Constantine (1986). On aristocratic Romans’ views on sex see Angela. On the early Church’s distaste for sex of almost any kind, see Lane Fox.

For the demise of paganism see Religions of Rome, Volume I, a History, by Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price (1998) and John R. Curran’s Pagan City and Christian Capital, Rome in the Fourth Century (2000), which succeeds in breathing life into this elusive era. On possessed Christians found outside cathedrals (in France rather than Rome, though one imagines they would have been outside Roman churches, too) see Peter Brown, ‘Sorcery, Demons and the Rise of Christianity: from later Antiquity into the Middle Ages’in Peter Brown, Religion and Society in the Age of Augustine (1972). For the displacement of guardian angels by martyr saints, and also for security measures used to restrain over-zealous pilgrims from reaching saints’ remains, see Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints, its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (1981). For the rediscovery and invention of new martyr saints for Rome by Bishop Damasus, and Peter’s role as gatekeeper to heaven, see Alan Thacker, ‘Rome of the Martyrs: Saints, Cults and Relics, Fourth to Seventh Centuries’in Roma Felix – Formation and Reflections of Mediaeval Rome, ed. éamonn ó Carragáin and Carol Neuman de Vegvar (2008). For the likelihood that St Peter never came to Rome, and for Pope Pius XII’s excavations beneath the altar of St Peter’s, see R. J. B. Bosworth, Whispering Cities: Modern Rome and its Histories (2011). On violence between rival candidates to be bishop of Rome see Curran.

On Rome’s aqueducts and baths, see Krautheimer. On Rome’s food convoys and distribution, see Lan?on. For early-fifth century Rome’s super-rich see Lan?on and Curran. For imperial Roman food, dinner parties and haute cuisine, including recipes, see Patrick Faas, Around the Roman Table, trans. Shaun Whiteside (1994). On Roman apartments see Carcopino. On the unhealthiness of Rome see Vivian Nutton, ‘Medical Thoughts on Urban pollution’ in Valerie M. Hope and Eireann Marshall (eds), Death and Diseases in the Ancient City (2009) and also Neville Morley, ‘The Salubriousness of the Roman City’ in Helen King(ed.), Health in Antiquity (2005). On malaria see Robert Sallares, Malaria and Rome, a History of Malaria in the Ancient City (2002). On doctors and medicine, see Ralph Jackson, Doctors and Disease in the Roman Empire (1988). For slaves see Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (1994). On the relative lack of women visible on the streets, and the greater legal independence of women in the Empire’s heyday, see Carcopino.

The battles over the statue of Victory and account of conflicts between Christian Ascetics and their less zealous Christian relatives, and Jerome’s loathing of the latter,are both drawn from Curran. Also from Curran comes the intriguing notion that Valerius Pinianus and Melania the Younger’s efforts to divest themselves of their wealth was a factor in the fall of Stilicho, and so helped bring about Alaric’s attack on Rome. Likewise from Curran comes the willingness of moderate Roman Christians, and even Christian emperors,to tolerate a pagan nostalgia in their lives.

Ⅲ

On Alaric’s sieges of Rome, Ravenna and then Rome again, see Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire and Pierre Courcelle, Histoire Littéraire des Grandes Invasions Germaniques (1948). On how the Visigoths entered Rome and what they did there, an excellent analysis of the primary sources is to be found in Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Roma a Gothis Alarico duce capta est, Ancient Accounts of the Sack of Rome in 410 CE’ in Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado and Philipp von Rummel (eds), The Sack of Rome in 410 AD, The Event, its Context and its Impact (2013). On archaeological evidence of destruction in Rome, see Antonella Camaro, Alessandro Delfino, Ilaria de Luca and Roberto Menghini,‘Nuovi dati archeologici per la storia del Foro di Cesare tra la fine del IV e la meta del V secolo’ in Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado and Philipp von Rummel, The Sack of Rome in 410 AD, The Event, its Context and its Impact (2013). On archaeological evidence concerning damage to homes and an overall assessment see, in the same volume, Riccardo Santangeli Valenziani, Dall’evento al dato archeologico. Il sacco del 410 attraverso la documentazione archeologica.

On the later adventures of the Visigoths see Peter Heather, The Goths. On Augustine of Hippo’s response to the sack of Rome, see Michele Renee Salzman, ‘Memory and Meaning. Pagans and 410’ in Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado and Philipp von Rummel(eds), The Sack of Rome in 410 AD, The Event, its Context and its Impact (2103); also see Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (1966) and Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire. On the revival of Rome after the 410 sack see Elio Lo Cascio, ‘La popolazione di Roma prima e dopo il 410’ in Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado and Philipp von Rummel (eds), The Sack of Rome in 410 AD, The Event, its Context and its Impact (2103).

第三章　还是哥特人

Ⅰ

On Queen Amalasuntha see Kate Cooper, ‘The Heroine and the Historian: Procopius of Caesaria and the Troubled Reign of Queen Amalasuntha’ in Jonathan J. Arnold, M. Shane Bjornlie and Kristina Sessa (eds), A Companion to Ostrogothic Italy (2016) and also, in the same volume, Gerda Heydemann, ‘The Ostrogothic Kingdom: Ideologies and Transitions’.

On the rise and nature of the Ostrogoths and composition and on their fighting forces in Italy see Peter Heather, ‘The Goths’ (1996) and ‘Gens and Regnum among the Ostrogoths’ in H-W. Goetz, J. Jarnut and W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes: The Relationship between Late Antique and Early Mediaeval Peoples and Kingdoms in the Transformation of the Roman World.

Ⅱ

As this chapter deals with events that follow relatively soon after those of the last,there is some overlap in sources. For all aspects of the city’s infrastructure, buildings,society and population see Richard Krautheimer, Rome, Profile of a City, 312–1308 (1980);Bertrand Lan?on, Rome in Late Antiquity, Everyday Life and Urban Change, AD 312–609,trans. Antonia Newell (2000); Bryan Ward-Perkins, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, Urban Public Building in Northern and Central Italy, AD 300–850 (Oxford Historical Monographs) (1984); Neil Christie, From Constantine to Charlemagne, an Archaeological History of Italy Ad 300–800 (2006) and also Peter Llewellyn, Rome in the Dark Ages (1971).

On the Vandal attack on Rome, see Andy Merrills and Richard Miles, The Vandals. On the struggle by imperial authorities to preserve Rome’s heritage see Christie. On Theodoric’s reign and his attempts to shore up Rome’s infrastructure and traditions, see Jonathan J. Arnold, Theodoric and the Roman Imperial Restoration (2014). On the schism between papal candidates Symmachus and Laurentius see Jeffrey Richards, The Popes and the Papacy in the Early Middle Ages 476–752 (1979). Also see Richards for Theodoric’s religious disputes with Byzantium, and Justinian’s replacement of Pope Silverius with Pope Vigilius. For imperial–papal disputes see also Llewellyn.

Ⅲ

On the tactics of Belisarius, Witigis and Totila, see E. A. Thompson: Romans and Barbarians: The Decline of the Western Empire (1982). On Clippings the logothete and other instances of Byzantine rapacity see Llewellyn. On bubonic plague, see Lester K. Little(ed.), Plague and the end of Antiquity, the Pandemic of 541–750 (2008). On Justianian’s falling out with Pope Vigilius over the Three Chapters see Richards. On the demise of the Ostrogoths see Peter Heather, The Goths. For the demise of bathing, see Ward-Perkins and Christie. See both and also Krautheimer for the demise of Roman institutions and the preservation of classical buildings as churches. On the demise of the Senate and of Rome’s old aristocracy, see T. S. Brown, Gentlemen and Officers: Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy, AD 554–800.

第四章　诺曼人

Ⅰ

H. E. J. Cowdrey: Pope Gregory VII 1073–1085 (1998) offers a detailed if uncritical account of his reign. A full account of his nemesis can be found in I. S. Robinson’s Henry IV of Germany, 1056–1106, (1999). For the rise of Robert Guiscard and the Normans in southern Italy see G. A. Loud, The Age of Robert Guiscard: Southern Italy and the Norman Conquest, (2000); G. A. Loud, ‘Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy’ in Variorum Collected Studies series, July 1999, and also Kenneth Baxter Woolf’s Making history: The Normans and their historians in the eleventh century (1995). The fullest original narrative is that of Geoffrey of Malaterra, The Deeds of Count Roger, trans. Kenneth Baxter Woolf(2005).

Ⅱ

Richard Krautheimer, Rome, Profile of a City, 312–1308 (1980) once again is a classic on this period. For a more up to date account that covers every facet of Rome’s topography,population, politics, society, economy and rituals, and from which many details in this chapter are drawn, see Chris Wickham, Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City,900–1150 (2015). It is Wickham who compares the Church reformers with early Russian revolutionaries. For archaeological evidence concerning Rome’s eighth-century revival see Neil Christie, From Constantine to Charlemagne, an Archaeological History of Italy AD 300–800 (2006). Details on the Major Litany procession are from Joseph Dyer, ‘Roman Processions of the Major Litany (litanae maiores) from the Sixth to the Twelfth centuries’ in Roma Felix – Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome, ed. éamonn ó Carragáin and Carol Neuman de Vegvar (2008).

Debra Birch, Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages – Continuity and Change(2000) offers a detailed and lively account of the subject. For some of medieval Romans’imaginative tales concerning the city’s ruins see the twelfth-century description of the city, Mirabilia Urbis Roma (The Marvels of Rome) which, among many claims, reports that that Noah landed his ark on the Gianicolo Hill to re-found the human race. The likely cause of the collapse of half of the Colosseum’s outer wall is from David Karmon’s The Ruin of the Eternal City: Antiquity and preservation in Renaissance Rome (2011). For Rome in the centuries prior to the Norman sack see both Krautheimer and Peter Llewellyn’s Rome in the Dark Ages (1971).

The question of which aqueducts functioned when is discussed in Bryan Ward-Perkins’ From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, Urban Public Building in Northern and Central Italy, AD 300–850 (Oxford Historical Monographs) (1984) and by Katherine Wentworth Rinne in The Waters of Rome: Aqueducts, Fountains and the Birth of the Baroque City (2010). For Romans’ material possessions see Patricia Skinner, ‘Material Life’in David Abulafia (ed.), Italy in the Central Middle Ages 1000–1300 (2004). For changes in cuisine and ingredients see Fabio Parasecoli, Al Dente: a History of Food in Italy (2014). For health and medicine see Patricia Skinner, Health and Medicine in early Mediaeval Southern Italy (1996) and also Robert Sallares, Malaria and Rome: A History of Malaria in Ancient Italy (2002). Rome’s Jewish community and the observations of Benjamin Tudela are examined by Marie-Thérèse Champagne and Ra’anan S. Boustan, ‘Walking in the Shadows of the Past: The Jewish Experience of Rome in the Twelfth century’ in Louis I. Hamilton (ed.), Rome Re-Imagined: Twelfth-century Jews, Christians and Muslims Encounter the Eternal City (2011). For women’s lives in this period see Patricia Skinner, Women in Mediaeval Italy 500–1200 (2001). Anxious (Genoese) fathers worried about inheritance are examined by Steven Epstein in David Abulafia (ed.), The Family in Italy in the Central Middle Ages 1000–1300 (2004).

Ⅲ

For eleventh-century warfare see: J. F. Verbruggen, The Art of Warfare in Western Europe during the Middle Ages (1997) and Philippe Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, trans. Michael Jones (1984). The most detailed chronology of the complex events of 1081–84 remains that of Ferdinand Gregovius: A History of Mediaeval Rome, Vol. 4, Part 1, trans. Annie Hamilton (1905). For an analysis of Guiscard’s sack of Rome see Louis I. Hamilton’s acute and highly enjoyable ‘Memory, Symbol and Arson: Was Rome sacked in 1084?’ in Speculum XXVIII, April 2003, which my account closely follows. For details on the 1300 Jubilee and Rome’s decline during the Avignon years see Richard Krautheimer, Rome, Profile of a City, 312–1308 (1980). On how Romans’ desire to preserve their classical past helped inspire their drive for a civic government independent of the popes see David Karmon, The Ruins of the Eternal City: Antiquity and Preservation in Renaissance Rome(2011).

第五章　西班牙人和路德宗信徒

Ⅰ

For the conclave of 1523 see Herbert M. Vaughan, The Medici Popes, (1908) and Dr Ludwig Pastor, A History of the Popes, Volume IX, Adrian VI and Clement VII, trans.Ralph Francis Kerr, (1923). The best account of the events leading up to the 1527 sack, the sack itself and its aftermath, on which this chapter has drawn many details, is Judith Hook’s The Sack of Rome (1972). André Chastell, The Sack of Rome, 1527 (1983) examines the event from a cultural and artistic angle. Eric Russell Chamberlin, The Sack of Rome (1979)offers a highly entertaining if less reliable narrative. On Clement VII and Michelangelo see William E. Wallace, ‘Clement VII and Michelangelo: An Anatomy of Patronage’, and for Clement’s musical talents see Richard Sherr, ‘Clement VII and the Golden Age of the Papal Choir’, both in Kenneth Gouwens and Sheryl E. Reiss (eds), The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture (2005). On Leo X’s jailing of five cardinals see Kate Howe, ‘The Political Crime of Conspiracy in Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century Rome’ in Trevor Dean and K. J. P. Howe (eds), Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy (1994). On the causes of the duke of Urbino’s feud with the Medici and for his role in these events see Cecil H. Clough, ‘Clement VII and Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino’in Kenneth Gouwens and Sheryl E. Reiss (eds), The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture (2005). On Renaissance warfare in Italy see F. L. Taylor The Art of War in Italy 1494–1529 (1921). On the character and rise of Charles V see William Maltby, The Reign of Charles V (2002).