Loyal Opposition

温德尔·威尔基/Wendell Willkie

温德尔·威尔基（1892—1944），美国政治活动家。于第一次世界大战期间参军服役，战后当过律师，1933年任联邦与南方公司总经理，1940年成为共和党总统候选人，竞选失败。宣扬“天下一家”的国际合作思想，反对共和党内的孤立主义。1942年9月和10月受罗斯福之托历访非洲、中东、苏联和中国等地，翌年将见闻写成《天下一家》，呼吁战后合作，甚有影响。

晚上好，美国：

在22年前的今天，一场横跨欧洲战场的重大战役结束了。枪声平息了，一个新的和平时代开始了。对于这个新时代，西方民主社会的人民寄予了很高的期望，但是那些期望并没有实现，人们生活中的民主方式并没有增强反而越来越弱。宪制政府的理念就像即将熄灭的灯芯一样摇摆不定，去年，就连这样的灯光甚至也已经从欧洲大陆上彻底地消失了。我们在美国看着黑暗降临欧洲，而就在观望的同时，我们迎来了一个非常重要的时刻——1940年的全国大选。那次大选及人们在大选后的态度，向世界其他地方的人们展示了一个正在进行的民主典范，伟大的人民将忠于他们的宪法与他们选出的代表。大选前的活动深深地打动了我们，从未关心过政治的数以百万的普通百姓，成群结队地涌向投票处，他们人数之众，热情之高，可谓史无前例。11月5日，约5000万的选民在那天行使了他们神圣的选举权——这是他们从先辈那儿继承过来的珍贵权利，我们一定要珍惜它，并让它世代相传。尽管世界上别的地方的宪法政府被推翻了，但在美国，人们仍然会将这个权利发扬光大。大选那天无论你站在哪一边，请记住，我们的这种自由表达对自由制度政府信心的行动，一定会给数以百万其他在不列颠岛、法兰西和比利时的废墟中，甚至可能是德国和意大利的英勇的人们带去希望——它能给所有渴望自由的人们带来希望。

在投票前的竞选当中，对敏感的问题的争论会变得异常激烈。人们变得非常尖刻，许多言辞锋利、刻薄的话都会脱口而出，在平时或心平气和的时候，这样的话是不可能说或必须在字斟句酌后才会说出来的。但是我们美国人知道这种刻薄是一种扭曲，并不是我们内心真实的反映。我可以坦诚地讲，我心中没有刻薄他人之意，希望你们也没有。我们选富兰克林·罗斯福为总统，他既是你们的总统，也是我的总统。他身居高位，所以我们每个人都应该尊重他，事实上我们也的确敬重他。为了我们的国家，将尽自己之所能全力支持他，同时，我们也祈求上帝能在接下来的四年当中，继续引导他完成管理人民事务这一崇高的使命。这是多数人控制的民主制度的基本原则，当然，少数派的作用也同样重要。这个少数派是2200万人，约占选民总人数一半人的少数派。而他们的作用正是今晚我想向大家谈的。

一个强大而警觉的反对党是民主平衡运行中的重要因素，这也是我们在接下来的四年当中的任务。我们必须将自己建成一个精力充沛、忠心耿耿、热心公益的反对党。有人提议，对威胁我们的世界呈现出统一战线的姿态，少数派应放弃他们的信念，加入到多数派中。这就意味着在美国只有一个执政党，只有一种经济理论，只有一种政治哲学。这是一种极权主义的想法，是一种甘愿为奴的想法，所以必须全面地予以否定和抵制。英国人能统一成一个整体，凭借的是史无前例的耐力与英勇，但与此同时，与统一共同体并存的是丝毫未减的批评和建议的自由。上议院与下议院的争辩从未停止，政府所有的政策——税收、消费、军备与海上政策、基本的经济政策，都是在经过稳固、友好、忠实和苛刻的审查后才予以颁布的。英国在自由中得以生存，让我们美国人也选择不低于他们的自由吧。

在英国，一些反对党的领导是政府成员，所以有人提议美国也可以模仿此法。这对于我们政府来说是一个荒谬的概念。当英国自由党的领导或工党的成员当选丘吉尔内阁的成员时，从英国议会的角度来看，他的权力是等同于丘吉尔先生的。这是由于英国的内阁是一个由上下议院组成的委员会，是一个人人平等的委员会。哪怕首相是委员会的主席，权高位尊，在这里也不过是一个主席，其他成员自然是他的同事。正如大家都知道的，我们的情况有所不同，我们的行政机构并不是立法机构的委员会。总统与国会相对独立，内阁成员不是总统的同事而只是总统的行政下属，需要服从总统的指令。哪怕总统的内阁成员全由反对派领导人组成，我们的政府依然不是两党执政，它是一个由多数党的总统向由他挑选的少数党代表发号施令的政府。这些代表必须赞成总统的信念，否则就辞职。显而易见，在我们这样的国家，这种做法不可能为了国家福祉而在多数党和少数党之间达成共识。这种做法对我们来说只能是如影子般虚幻的统一，而不是实质的一致。我们美国的团结一致并不是由言语或姿势构成的，而是反对党的意见与执政党的实施和政策融合而成的。我们的政府是属于一个原则的政府，并不仅仅是一个属于人的政府。少数党派的任何成员，尽管他愿意为国捐躯，但仍保留对政府政策批评的权利。这个权利已经根植在我们宪法的体系中。那些时刻待命听从总司令的调遣为祖国服务的人们，依然保留这一权利，同时我还要说，这也是一种义务，一种去评议政府的方针路线的义务。我们采用的是两党制的制度，如果允许某一党完全执政，民主就会完全瓦解，由专政统治代替。对于你们——为我们的事业真挚奉献的人们，你们选我来领导，我要说的，是在接下来的四年中你们的作用是做一个忠实的反对派。你们对我们在最近选举中所赞成的原则深信不疑，这些原则不像球衣，上场时穿上，游戏结束时就能脱下来的。争论本届或任何其他届政府的政策，并对在你们所在的州以及国家政府的人们，自由、公开地表达你们自己，这是宪法赋予你们的义务。现在，让我提一个忠告，我们是一个强大的反对党。11月5日，我们是只差几百万张选票的少数派。但我们不要因此而偏激，为了反对而反对。我们反对的目的不是要毁掉，而是要建设强大的美国，一个富饶的美国，因为只有富饶才能强大，只有强大才能自由。

最后，我们的政府必须改变对大小事务一律惩罚的态度。相关的法规必须制定出台。我们反对党不断建议，政治迫害的日子必须结束。如果本届政府的心里有美国整体，我假设它是有的，那它一定会不怀偏见、心胸开阔地考虑反对党的这类提议。只有承认反对党的意见，并给予高度的重视，全国上下才能实现真正的团结一致，但这一政策只能来自政府本身。那些不和谐、不一致的声音只因对反对党的压制而引起，政府可以迫使我们分离，也可以将我们团结起来。

现在我要讲一讲国家所面临的最重要，最紧迫的任务。在这一点上，所有的美国人目的相同、意见统一，那就是保卫祖国。我们团结一致支持防御，而正是在这里，我们反对党就扮演着一个举足轻重的角色。那就是时刻警醒，以确保美国人民得到有效的防卫，以及我们投票用于此目的的庞大开支没有被浪费。在我的权限范围里要对你们再一次重申：我希望我们能够通过向英国以及其他国家提供自身的防御物资和装备上的帮助，来维持他们的自由梦想。我们应该在适当考虑自身防卫的同时，尽力给予他们帮助。对于这一点，我认为我所说的没有吹嘘，在历届美国总统竞选中，没有一位候选人像我这样费尽心力地促进统一战线的建立。然而，我认为这一切应该通过宪法的程序，得到国会的认同和批准。只有这样，人民才能始终拥有决策权，决定他们希望采取的路线和愿意做出的冒险尝试。

我和罗斯福先生在竞选时都承诺过，如果我们当选，我们将使美国远离战争，除非遭到袭击。罗斯福先生再次当选，我知道，他一定会兑现这一庄严的誓言，我也知道美国人民期望他信守这一庄严承诺。

从11月5日以来，收到了数以千计，事实上是好多万封信。我亲自阅读了它们中的大部分，并为之深深感动。它们来自全国各地、各种族的人民，其中有天主教徒、新教徒，有犹太教徒以及基督教徒，有色人种和白人。这些信来自在美国生活的各行各业的男男女女，有工人、有农民、有职员、也有商人。所有这些信和电报，几乎无一例外，都是强烈要求我们将曾经为之奋斗的事业继续下去。出于对这一事业的热爱，你们成立了数以千计的组织。它们是你们自己的组织，是你们自筹资金自行领导的组织。因此，如果你们愿意，由你们来经营它们是比较合适的。我也希望你们能继续下去，但请不要以我的名义，因为这是不合适的。我不愿意这一伟大的事业仅仅因为任何个人之长而被削弱。对此我感触颇深。这样，到1944年一切都会迎刃而解。

我深信民主在领导方面已富有成果，我希望看到我们所有的人都献身于我们为之奋斗的原则中去。我个人在这方面的奋斗才刚刚开始，不管是在未来，还是在过去，我会充满热情、满怀信心地倡导这一事业。就像伍德罗·威尔逊说过的：“我宁愿在必胜的成功中遭受失败，也不愿在必败的事业里享受成功。”

在以后的岁月当中，不管做什么，我都会与你们并肩保卫我们的自由生活，更好地了解我们的经济制度，并寄望于我们每一个人的新美国的发展。同时，让我们在战斗中感到自豪与快乐。我们的事业已经引起了世界的关注，受到无数人的欢迎。随着时间的流逝，会有越来越多的人在里面发现他们一直找寻的希望。让我们在这里用亚伯拉罕·林肯的一句名言继续前进：“不对任何人心怀恶意，对一切人都心怀宽容，用上帝给予我们的对正义的信念坚持正义。让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。”

晚安，愿上帝保佑并照顾你们每一人！

Good evening， America，

Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent.A new era of peace began.And for that era， the people of our western world， our democratic world held the highest hopes.Those hopes have not been fulfilled.The democratic way of life did not become stronger.It became weaker.The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp， and within the last year or so， the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe.We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe， and as we watch its approach， that important time for us， the national election of 1940.In that election， and in our attitudes after that election， the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action， an example of a great people， faithfulto their constitution and to their elected representatives.The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it.The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history.Nearly fifty millions people exercised， on November 5， the right of the franchise， the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations.Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere， here in America， men and women kept it triumphantly alive.No matter which side you were on on that day， remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain， in the ruined cities of France and Belgium， yes， perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy.It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.

In the campaign preceding this election， serious issues were at stake. People became bitter， many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid， or might have been worded more thoughtfully.But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion， not a true reflection of what is in our hearts.I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine， I hope there is none in yours.We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President.He is your President， he is my President.We all ofus owe him the respect due to his high office， we give him that respect.We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people.It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules.The function of the minority， however， is equally fundamental.It is about the function of that minority twenty-two million people， nearly half of our electorate， that I wish to talk to you tonight.

A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong， alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years.We must constitute ourselves a vigorous， loyal and public spirited opposition party.It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world， the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority.This would mean that in the United States of America， there would be only one dominant party， only one economic philosophy， only one political philosophy of life.This is a totalitarian idea， it is a slave idea， it must be rejected utterly.The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor， yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion.In the continued debates of the House of Commons， and the House of Lords， all of the government's policies， its taxation， its expenditure， its military and naval policies， its basic economic policies， are brought under steady friendly loyal， critical review.Britain survives free.Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.

In Britain， some opposition party leaders are members of the government， and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government.When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet， he becomes， from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr.Churchill's.This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament.It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman， a lofty Chairman indeed， and yet but a Chairman.The other members are his colleagues.With us， the situation as you well know is different.Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch.Our President is independent of our Congress.The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues， they are his administrative subordinates.They are subject to his orders.An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration.It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing.These representatives must concur in the President's convictions.If they do not， they have no alternatives except to resign.Clearly nosuch device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and minority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare.Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity.Our American unity cannot be made with words， or with gestures.It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the policies of the Administration.Ours is a government of the principles， and not one merely of men.Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government.This right is embedded in our constitutional system.We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief， nevertheless retain the right， and I will say the duty， to debate the course of our government.Ours is a two-party system， should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would collapse and we would have dictatorship.To you， who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause， which you chose me to lead， I say your function during the next four years is that of the loyal opposition.You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election， and principles are not like a football suit to be put on in order to play a game， and then taken off when the game is over.It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this， or any other administration；and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government.Now let me however， raise a single warning， ours is a very powerful opposition.On November 5， we were a minority by only a few million votes， but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition.Ours must not be an opposition against， it must be an opposition for， an opposition for a strong America， a productive America， for only the productive can be strong， and only the strong can be free.

And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be.We， of the Opposition， have consistently recommended that， but the day of witch hunting must be over.If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart， and I assume it has， it must consider， without prejudice， and with an open mind， such recommendations of the Opposition.National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition.Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself.It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise， the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart， or to bind us together.

And now a word about the most important， the immediate task that confronts this nation. On this， all Americans are at one purpose， there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America.We stand united behind the defense program， but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one.Itis to be constantly watchful， to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted.And in so far as I have the privilege to speak for you， I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the dream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment.This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense.On this point， I think I can say without boast， that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front.However， I believe that all things should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval， accord and ratification of Congress.Only thus can the people determine from time to time， the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.

Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the people in the course of the campaign that if we were elected， we would keep this country out of war unless attacked.Mr.Roosevelt was reelected， and this solemn pledge for him， I know will be fulfilled， and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.

Since November 5， I have received thousands and thousands of letters， as a matter of fact， tens of thousands of them， I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched.They come from all parts of our country and from allkinds of people.They come from Catholics and Protestants， Jews and Christians， colored people and white people.They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen；men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life.All of these letters and telegrams， almost without exception， urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on.In your enthusiasm for our cause， you founded thousands of organizations， they are your own organizations， financed by you and directed by you.It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you feel so inclined.I hope you do continue them.It is not， however， appropriate to continue these organizations in my name.I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual.I feel too deeply about it for that.1944 will take care of itself.

It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought.My fight for those principles has just begun， I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past.As Woodrow Wilson once said，"I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."

Whatever I may undertake in the coming years， I should be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our freeway of life， for the better understanding of our economic system， and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile， let us be proud， let us be happy in the fight that we have made.We have brought our cause to the attention of the world.Millions have welcomed it.As time goes on， millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for.We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts：With malice toward none， with charity for all， with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right.Let us finish the work we are in， to bind up the nation's wounds， to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you！