尤金·维克托·德布斯/Eugene Victor Debs

尤金·维克托·德布斯（1855-1926），美国工人运动领导人，1898年协助创立美国社会党，并于1900年成为该党总统候选人。

Your Honor, years ago I recognized my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free.

I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged. I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions…

Your Honor, I have stated in this court that I am opposed to the social system in which we live; that I believe in a fundamental change—but if possible by peaceable and orderly means.

…

In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: It cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity.

I believe, Your Honor, in common with all Socialists, that this nation ought to own and control its own industries. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all.

I am opposing a social order in which it is possible for one man who does absolutely nothing that is useful to amass a fortune of hundreds of millions of dollars, while millions of men and women who work all the days of their lives secure barely enough for a wretched existence.

This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth.

There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order. They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority. But they have learned how to be patient and to bide their time. The feel—they know, indeed—that the time is coming, in spite of all opposition, all persecution, when this emancipating gospel will spread among all the peoples, and when this minority will become the triumphant majority and, sweeping into power, inaugurate the greatest social and economic change in history.

In that day we shall have the universal commonwealth—the harmonious cooperation of every nation with every other nation on earth…

Your Honor, I ask no mercy and I plead for no immunity. I realize that finally the right must prevail. I never so clearly comprehended as now the great struggle between the powers of greed and exploitation on the one hand and upon the other the rising hosts of industrial freedom and social justice.

I can see the dawn of the better day for humanity. The people are awakening. In due time they will and must come to their own.

When the mariner, sailing over tropic seas, looks for relief from his weary watch, he turns his eyes toward the southern cross, burning luridly above the tempest—vexed ocean. As the midnight approaches, the southern cross begins to bend, the whirling worlds change their places, and with starry finger—points the Almighty marks the passage of time upon the dial of the universe, and though no bell may beat the glad tidings, the lookout knows that the midnight is passing and that relief and rest are close at hand. Let the people everywhere take heart of hope, for the cross is bending, the midnight is passing, and joy cometh with the morning.

I am now prepared to receive your sentence.

阁下，若干年以前我认识到与所有生物都有亲属关系，并依此断定我并不比世界上最卑贱的人更优秀。当时我是这么说的，现在我仍然如是说：只要还有底层社会存在，我就是其中一员；只要还有犯罪，我就是构成它的元素之一；只要还有人被囚禁在牢狱中，我就不是自由人。

我在法庭上听到了支持这一起诉和为之辩护的所有证词，但我的想法始终如一。在我看来，间谍法是与民主原则和自由制度的精神公然对抗的蛮横法令……

阁下，我在法庭上已经说过，我对我们现在的社会制度持反对态度；我坚信我们有必要对它进行彻底的改变，只不过，有可能的话，最好能采用平和有序的方法来完成。

……

在蓝天之下，我们的国家倍受眷顾：我们土地辽阔而且富饶肥沃，我们有着取之不尽的原料资源；我们的机器设备是世界上生产力最强大的，为了我们国家的每个公民、每个儿童都能够享受机器带来的利益，工人们使用这些机器制造出大量的产品。如果我国继续有大量的人民沦为贫穷的殉葬品，一辈子疲于奔命，直到死亡来解脱他们，让他们的心不再痛苦，让这些不幸的被害者进入没有梦魇的长眠之中——那么，造成这一罪过的不是上帝，不是自然，而是我们畸形的社会制度。这种社会制度应该被消灭，这不仅是为劳苦大众谋利，也是为所有的人类谋利。

阁下，我和其他社会党人一致认为，这个国家应当拥有并控制它自己的工业。我与其他社会党人一致认为，所有需要的，以及应当被共同享有的，都应当归为公有——作为社会生活的基础，工业不应成为少数人的私有财产，为他们积累财富而运转，而应该成为全民所有的共同财产，并且为了全民的利益，我们应当对其实行民主化管理。

我反对这样的社会秩序，它让一个对社会毫无贡献的人成为亿万富翁，而让百万劳苦大众在贫困线上挣扎。

这种秩序不会永久长存。我已表达了我的抗议。我承认自己的努力不值一提，但值得庆幸的是我并非孤军作战。千千万万的人和我有着一样的共识：我们必须在共同合作的基础上建立社会，只有这样才能真正享受幸福的文明生活；为了这个目标，我们已组织起一个在全世界范围内开展的伟大的经济政治运动。

如今社会党人已超过六千万，他们虽然国籍、种族、宗教、肤色、性别都各不相同，但都忠贞不渝地坚持这一事业。他们正在为共同的事业而行动。他们孜孜不倦广泛宣传新的社会秩序，他们等待着，观察着，充满了希望夜以继日地工作。虽然他们还是少数派，但他们知道该如何耐心地等待时机的来临。他们感到——他们明白——虽然阻力重重，历经迫害，但他们离这样的日子已经越来越近，解放的福音将恩泽普天下的人民：这一少数派就会成为胜利的多数派，掌握政权，进行历史上最伟大的社会和经济变革。

到那时我们将实现世界联邦——国与国之间携手并肩，融洽合作……

阁下，我不乞求你们的宽恕，但我要为你们的软弱无助而辩护。我早就意识到：真理终将战胜谬误！我从来都没有像现在这样清醒地理解这样伟大的斗争——一方面是贪婪与剥削的权力横行；另一方面是正处于上升阶段的大量的工业自由与社会正义。

我能够看到人类博爱的黎明即将来临，人民正在觉醒。到时，他们将心甘情愿而且不得不爆发本能的欲求。

当我们的祖先漂洋过海，精疲力竭却还渴求信仰的时候，他们把目光转向了这片广袤的土地。那里，在狂暴的海洋上，烈火熊熊。当午夜来临，南部的热土开始伏首静卧，生生不息的世界斗转星移，万能的上帝在宇宙的刻度盘上拨弄星辰，调离时间。尽管从没有钟声敲打兴奋的潮汐，但是企望者却知道午夜正在消逝，苦难的解脱近在咫尺。让世界的每个角落的人们都充满希望吧，因为莽原静卧，子夜逝去，喜悦将伴着黎明姗姗而来。

现在，我已经准备好了接受你的审判。

历史链接

德布斯把他毕生的精力完全献给了美国无产阶级。他为推进美国工人运动的发展建立了不朽的功绩。但是，德布斯有一个弱点——缺乏马克思主义的理论修养。因此，他也犯了一些错误。他夸大产业工会的作用，曾主张在产业的基础上建立共和国；他迷信选举权，认为通过选举可以到达社会主义；他反对无产阶级的专政，认为“这是一个不幸的词儿”，“专政是独裁政治”等等。所以列宁说：“德布斯——革命者，但是没有明确的理论，不是一个马克思主义者。”

W词汇笔记

kinship ［?kin?ip］n.亲属关系；家属关系；亲密关系

例 We feel a special kinship with you.

我们对你们有一种特殊的亲近感。

fertile ［?f?:tail］adj.富饶的；肥沃的；能生育的

例 Much fertile soil have become desert and only sand left.

许多肥沃的土地已经变成了沙漠，留下的仅是黄沙。

mutual ［?mju:t?u?l］adj.相互的；彼此的；共同的

例 It should be a mutual relationship.

应该是一个互相的关系。

prevail ［pri?veil］v.盛行；流行；战胜；获胜

例 If words do not prevail, we must use force.

如果言词不能获胜的话，我们就必须动用武力。

S小试身手

只要还有底层社会存在，我就是其中一员；只要还有犯罪，我就是构成它的元素之一；只要还有人被囚禁在牢狱中，我就不是自由人。

译__________________________________________________

我能够看到人类博爱的黎明即将来临，人民正在觉醒。到时，他们将心甘情愿而且不得不爆发本能的欲求。

译__________________________________________________

让世界的每个角落的人们都充满希望吧，因为莽原静卧，子夜逝去，喜悦将伴着黎明姗姗而来。

译__________________________________________________

P短语家族

There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex.

adherent to：附从；附着于

造__________________________________________________

Your Honor, I ask no mercy and I plead for no immunity.

plead for：恳求；请求

造__________________________________________________